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The search for Jesuit sources relating to New France began in the mid-nineteenth century in a wave of truly transnational exchanges. In , he fled Lower Canada and relocated to the United States, where he devoted the rest of his life to archival and historical research. As early as , he alerted the members of the New-York Historical Society to the significance of their writings. In —71, he published eight letters and reports authored by Jesuit missionaries. With the help of his young librarian, Victor Hugo Paltsits — , Lenox succeeded in reuniting a full collection of the published relations that became part of the Lenox Library , later merged with the New York Public Library.
Martin had been called to the Province of Canada in by the bishop of Montreal, Ignace Bourget —; in office and had since developed an interest in the history of the Jesuits of New France. Because the memories of their deeds, even of their violent deaths, seemed to have been lost in the new Canada, they looked to the past in search of historical documentation that would establish a sort of continuing spiritual genealogy. Martin also travelled extensively. In the spring of , he spent two weeks at the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu.
The lengthy controversy over the legitimacy of the Jesuit estates, as well as an overall atmosphere of mounting French-Canadian nationalism, contributed to this common afflation. For example, he was responsible for some seventy-five per cent of the famous Jesuit Relations edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites — at the turn of the century. However, he significantly added to the Jesuit documentary corpus and was of great assistance to other scholars.
Most of these French-Canadian historians were also priests who shared an attitude that was both nationalist and ultramontane. These rivalries were compounded by a sense of jealous admiration towards fellow American scholars who proved to be quicker and more successful in publishing Jesuit texts that their Canadian colleagues had generously put at their disposal, either in person or through letter writing.
Curiously, the earliest among these American scholars was William Ingraham Kip —93 , a New York State Episcopal minister with an evident missionary vocation, but no known relationship to the Catholic Church, either Canadian or American. In , he became himself a missionary bishop in California. Although he renounced his spiritual vocation soon thereafter, Shea remained a practicing Catholic and devoted his life to the history of the church in the United States that he made to include the activities of the early French Jesuit missionaries.
Among his numerous publications, Shea translated and reprinted forty Jesuit texts, covering the years —72, under the aegis of his own Cramoisy Press —66 , a name that he chose in honor of the main publisher of the original Jesuit relations.
Shea was followed by Thwaites, yet another American historian, not a great scholar himself, but certainly a formidable cultural entrepreneur. Undoubtedly, his documentary edition of Jesuit sources, titled The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, — , overshadowed all the previous ones. This was an imposing seventy-three-volume collection published in rapid succession at the turn of the century. The printing took sixty-five months as a whole, with an average output of 1,12 volumes per month.
From an editorial point of view, the Jesuit Relations were a remarkable achievement. The collection required the ability to couple a demanding pace of publication with an unusual internal consistency. It included not only the missionary reports regularly published as books from to later in their entirety referred to as relations , but also letters, deeds, petitions, journals, etc.
Hence the common mistake of later historians who confuse the Jesuit relations proper with the title of the Thwaites collection. Thwaites was not alone in this enterprise. He directed a small team of editors and translators, which included one assistant editor, Emma Helen Blair — , who probably took care of most editorial work, and Paltsits, then with the Lenox Library, as bibliographical adviser.
Thwaites was able to profit from an impressive network of scholars—mainly historians, archivists, and archaeologists—in the United States as well as in Canada, France, and the United Kingdom, who trusted and praised him. Hughes was working almost in the same years as Thwaites at a full history of the Society of Jesus in English America, which included some material on the earliest French Jesuit missionaries.
In the end, Hughes produced a massive, albeit rather confused, History of the Society of Jesus in North America , which appeared between and It is on account of the inadequacy of their translations that the Jesuit Relations received their earliest negative criticism. Yet these appeared as minor quibbles in view of the Jesuit Relations contribution.
Undoubtedly, the most successful of them all was Francis Parkman —93 , who in devoted one full volume of his magnum opus to the saga of the Jesuits in North America. Another French-Canadian historian whose assistance Parkman acknowledged was Casgrain.
The two scholars agreed to disagree both privately and publicly but were in constant touch throughout their lives. In his being American and Protestant, Parkman was a somewhat exceptional figure in Jesuit historiography. In fact, the next syntheses of the history of the Jesuits in New France were authored by a French Jesuit historian, Camille de Rochemonteix — , whom Thwaites acknowledged for his assistance in providing access to French sources.
He well explained the genesis of the Jesuit sources, but what is more important he was able to distinguish the corporate mentality of the Society from the individual personalities of its members. He also showed how these individualities were reflected in the style and the contents of their reports. Nurtured by a pervasive atmosphere of mounting ultramontanism, the American and the French-Canadian churches campaigned in Rome for the canonization of their early Jesuit martyrs, whose violent deaths had taken place in the state of New York and the province of Ontario between and As is well known, the prerequisites that normally made it possible for the Catholic Church to proclaim a person a saint and a martyr were defined by the Council of Trent.
Normally, a candidate for sainthood must go through a process of canonization that includes several stages—Servant of God, Venerable, Blessed, and, eventually, Saint. In its mandate, the Sacred Congregation of the Rites, established in , included the verification of all prerequisites for sainthood and martyrdom and the process of canonization. The impulse of the canonical process for beatification, which officially began in Quebec City in , led to a full review of primary and secondary sources.
The review was eventually printed, for internal use, by the Sacred Congregation of the Rites in under the overall responsibility of the Augustinian Sebastiano Cardinal Martinelli — In the end, the Holy See beatified the eight Canadian martyrs on June 21, , and canonized them on June 29, The Thwaites collection and the canonization process appeared to have closed the door to any new extensive research on the role of the New France Jesuits.
In the period between World War I and the end of World War II, ecclesiastical authors, mainly Jesuit, continued to produce devout texts of little if any historiographical value. Some of them emphasized the role of the Jesuit missionaries as explorers of the North American continent. Belgian by birth, American by education, Delanglez was an unsurpassed scholar for his attention to the new sources and for his narrative ability.
This overall atmosphere of uncritical and devotional adherence to the model of the early Jesuit martyrs, as opposed to historical scholarship, was somehow broken by a new approach to the Jesuit relations that privileged the latter. This new approach took two forms. One investigated the published Jesuit reports within the context of travel literature, real or imaginary. It emphasized their role in influencing the early modern French literature and the corresponding representation of America, including the notion of the noble savage.
The France-born American literary critic Gilbert Chinard — , and his American colleague, Geoffroy Atkinson — , worked separately but proceeded along parallel paths in this regard. An original spin-off of the Chinard-Atkinson approach was the article by the American intellectual historian George Robert Healy — A second feature of this new approach was a renewed, erudite analysis of the Jesuit relations and of their genesis and contexts.
Unfortunately, the sharing of this new curiosity and understanding was inhibited by the ethnic nationalism of the times and the inward-looking attitude of Society of Jesus. Aside from the Thwaites collection he praised, not only was Pouliot unaware of any scholarly research being done outside the Society, but he also called for an exclusive Catholic and French-Canadian appropriation of the Jesuit sources:.
Are not [the Jesuit relations ] a wealth that belongs to the French Canadians in the first place? Did not the heroic acts of which they are full made some very special graces descend upon our country and our Church? Jesuit documents, however, were studied and appreciated by non-Jesuit and non-French-speaking historians.
American literary author Edna Kenton — compiled two lengthy collections of Jesuit texts in their English translations as previously printed in the Thwaites collection. He explained the methods used for the composition of the relations , summarized the chronology of the original publications and their modern editions, and emphasized their wide circulation. As for their sudden disappearance after the last issue published in , Wroth agreed with de Rochemonteix and Paltsits in attributing this discontinuance to the global Chinese rites controversy, not to French, let alone Canadian motivations.
Most of these publications were authored by ordained members of the church, mostly Jesuits. More significantly, however, this period saw the beginning of two diverging trends that would become more and more apparent in the half century that followed. To be sure, most of them had by then abandoned devout providentialism in favor of historical scholarship.
The second trend coincided with a new reading of the Jesuit texts as an ethnohistorical source. By combining the methods of history and anthropology and adding an indigenous perspective, indigenous peoples came out not only as ethnographic objects but as agents of their own history and of the history of contact. The DCB was a model of its kind.
Far from being a collection of compilations taken from secondary literature, its entries were intended to be full-length research articles based on primary sources. As a result, ever since its first volume appeared in , the DCB became the recognized starting point of any further research and was as such extremely influential.
Given that its volumes were organized by date brackets, the first four volumes, published between and , included the biographies of ninety-nine noteworthy Jesuits among the or so Jesuits who had been active in New France between and Overall, eighty entries eighty-two percent were authored by members of religious communities or diocesan priests. Most contributions written by members of the Society of Jesus were authored by the dean of Jesuit historians, Pouliot eighteen , followed by the younger but well-established historian Lucien Campeau — eighteen , a recent PhD such as Jacques Monet, born in and ordained as late as fourteen , and the archivist Joseph Cossette — nine.
Only eighteen entries eighteen percent were authored by historians with no official religious affiliations. That period roughly corresponds to the pioneering period that preceded the arrival of Laval, the vicar apostolic, and includes the Huron mission and the deaths of the Canadian martyrs. As a whole the MNF made available in print, in their original language, 1, documents pertaining to the history of the Canadian Jesuits. Ignorance of languages other than English is, of course, the first one.
Campeau published his documents in their original languages—mostly French, Latin, and Italian—with his own commentary in French. Thwaites, on the other hand, had coupled all original documents with their translations into English. He admits that the presence of missionaries among them contributed to their material havoc. His short but uncompromising introduction to his tome epitomizes it all.
The difference between the Thwaites and the Campeau collections is huge. For one thing, the passage from Thwaites to Campeau has provided more raw ethnographical material on which to base our knowledge of indigenous cultures at the time of contact. As we all know, the relations proper, which were at the core of the Thwaites collection, were the final product that surfaced after a rather careful vetting and editing process.
Furthermore, by documenting the inner workings of the Society of Jesus, the MNF allow the reader better to understand the background, the motivations, and the way of reasoning of the Jesuit missionaries. However, his punctilious examination does not alter the gist of the Thwaites collection itself.
Eccles, the great revisionist of the history of New France, had instead well understood the implications of the Campeau collection. His book on colonial Louisiana, written very much in the terse and scholarly style of the Delanglez tradition, signaled the beginning of a long career entirely devoted to Upper and Lower Louisiana and to the role of the early French Jesuits in the American middle-western states. With regard to the second trend in Jesuit historiography of the post-World War II period, that is, the new reading of the Jesuit texts as an ethnohistorical source, Canadian ethnologists Jacques Rousseau —70 and Madeleine Aquin Rousseau — mixed in an original fashion the Jesuit version of events with indigenous oral traditions.
Over a decade later, the American anthropologist Elisabeth Jane Tooker — was more traditionally ethnographic in her well-documented description of the early Huron society. For his part, Trigger, who was then preparing a major study of the Huron nation, refuted previous views of the Jesuit missionaries as being motivated by economic gain of sort.
Two contributors to the DCB belong to this trend in Jesuit historiography. Fenton and Jaenen, however, were exceptions among the contributors to the DCB. The ethnohistorical wave, which will be so prominent in the decades to follow, had by then just begun. As for their historiographical contribution, they added a new focus on reciprocal change at the time of the encounter. Because the mission was a major point of contact between the Europeans and the indigenous peoples, Jesuit missionaries were at the forefront of this process of reciprocal adjustment.
Ethnohistorians then began to re-examine Jesuit texts, and the relations in particular, with a new eye. By and large, they shifted their interest from the missionaries onto the missionized. They also portrayed the missionaries as the unwitting agents of catastrophic change: in their attempt to save the indigenous people from eternal damnation, missionaries were asking them to bring about a radical transformation of their culture, that is, to erase their identity as indigenous people.
However, ethnohistorians also emphasized that the indigenous people reacted to Jesuit intrusions in a variety of ways. Some willingly accepted the new religion and tried to adapt to the rules required by French society; others did so only partially; others still resisted outright. In this new historiographical debate, the issue of the indigenous conversion became as crucial has it had been at the very time of contact.
When did missionaries admit bona fide conversions? What did indigenous people mean when they implored the Jesuits to accept them into the church through baptism and holy matrimony? To Jaenen, whom we have already mentioned as a contributor to the DCB , with regard to this period one should add the Americans James P.
Ronda, James L. Axtell, and Daniel K. Some of them were younger historians who continued to write for many years to come. Both favored an economic interpretation of the contact period in which the impact of factors such as religion or conversion were of a limited significance.
Trigger singled out local causations, such as the implications of the fur trade. Grant had attempted a major history of missionary activity among the Canadian indigenous peoples. Her book moves away from Canada proper and focuses on early Acadia, a region that had attracted much less attention among religious historians.
Yet in the late seventeenth century, and especially after the Treaty of Utrecht , Acadia had become the focus of clashing imperial strategies, so much that for the local missionaries the coincidence between the interests of the crown and those of the church became even more explicit than before. The scholarly output regarding Acadia, though, remained limited in quantity and significance.
The works of the American ethnohistorian Kenneth M. Morrison — were passioned but, in the end, of limited impact, whereas the books authored by the Canadians Antonio Dragon — , a Jesuit historian, and Micheline Dumont-Johnson remained at the level of useful but rather traditional contributions. Some are of the negative sort. First, his books are poorly organized and cumbersome to use.
The edited texts are drowned in a disproportionate number of endnotes and annotations, in which major interpretive issues are hidden by dozens of analyses of points of lesser significance. First, the story of the intellectual creation of the Canadian martyrs—from Martin, through Bourget and Casgrain, to the apotheosis of —had never been told in such a persuasive manner.
Starting with Le Jeune, Ouellet began a quest for narratives published by the seventeenth-century French missionaries. With regard to New France, most of their contributors shared a sympathetic view of the indigenous peoples coupled with a condescending attitude towards the Jesuit missionaries.
Lapomarda, and Charles J. Finally, with regard to this period a rather traditional reference work must be recalled. An initiative of the John Carter Brown Library of Providence, Rhode Island, this list is part of a major bibliographical tool of the highest standard that help situate the publications relating to New France in the much wider geographical and chronological framework of the early European expansion.
Historiographically, European Americana is more than a reference work. It confirms the relatively minor significance of New France within the European colonial expansion. Consequently, it diminishes the significance of the Jesuit relations in the context of the global missionary endeavors. This is a point that I have emphasized above, when discussing the dearth of New France missionaries in relationships to other parts of the world.
In fact, by the beginning of the new millennium Jesuit historians had almost disappeared from the historiographical scene. At any rate, surely, they had lost their interpretive monopoly over their own history. Appearances might be deceiving, though. In fact, saw the publication of the imposing and authoritative DHCJ, consisting of 5, biographical entries and essays, which largely superseded the Jesuiten-Lexikon authored by the German historian Ludwig Koch — Hennesey — and George A.
De Napoli — Still, the DHCJ had been too long in the making. The project had been launched in and approved in Collaborators had been selected among the best the Society of Jesus had to offer at the time. Unfortunately, these authors—like Campeau—had taken little notice of the changes that were taking place in New France historiography, so that, when they came out, their entries appeared not in tune with the new questions that had arisen in the last quarter of the twentieth century.
The Jesuit relations , especially in their Thwaites version, continued to provide the main documentary evidence for all, but their unrivalled length and encyclopedic nature allowed for interpretations that derived from different, and at times opposite, historiographical schools.
Once more, the Jesuit reports stand out as a premier source of evidence, but one that in the past had been interpreted in just the opposite way. But here is also the Canadian feminist sociologist, Karen L. Anderson, who posits a genderless and egalitarian indigenous society where the arrival of the Jesuits, armed with their European misogynist attitude, rendered indigenous women powerless and subjugated. In fact, K. Yet knowledge is not what she was after. Dorsey, and especially by the Canadian historian Peter A.
Goddard, in understanding Jesuit strategies and accomplishments. Goddard, in particular, very convincingly situates the case of New France within the changing context of Jesuit mentality. Confirming a new overall attention to indigenous issues, Greer focuses on the indigenous side of their relationship with the missionaries.
In a short but original introduction, he also updates a number of controversial issues that had often been stated as matters of fact. I have already mentioned the minor significance, in terms of ecclesiastical personnel and publication output, of the New France mission.
In his article assessing Catholic attitudes towards indigenous conversion in the early modern era, Codignola suggests that for the Canadian Jesuits the primitive communities of North America and the civilized societies of the Orient represented the opposite extremities of the pagan world, and that success was nowhere in sight in either. How long have they [the Jesuits] been waiting at the gates of China? Li then accepted a teaching position in Canada.
Both authors help add to the global missionary context and provide new evidence to the fact that Jesuit missionaries did their best to adjust to different surroundings. Li examines Jesuit strategies and local reactions in New France and China by focusing on French missionaries in a comparable time frame, to ninety years for Canada, and to years for China. He provides a useful catalogue of the sixty-eight French missionaries in China. In his opinion, in China these were induced by material advantages or scientific curiosity only; in North America, conversions were only motivated by the military and technological changes brought about by the fur trade.
In line with the Trigger school, Li does not acknowledge that men and women of China and New France could have made personal and intimate decisions about choosing another religion—as contemporary Europeans did at the same time. An opposite view on the issue of conversion is held by the American Jesuit historian, Nicholas P. Cushner — , who compares Spanish, English, and French experiences of evangelization in the Americas from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries.
Furthermore, their relationship with a new belief system is a dynamic one. Finally, it must be remarked that whether Europeans were bona fide converts or Christian in name only is a legitimate historical question, one that applies not only to indigenous peoples, but also to European Christians in a similar time frame. The last decade of the twentieth century witnessed yet another round of biographical studies of Jesuit missionaries, together with a new wave of literary studies mainly devoted to their relations.
In , American folklore specialist William M. Dubois emphasizes the fact that only the importance of music among the pre-contact indigenous explains their rapid and enthusiastic adoption of the religious chants imported by the Jesuits. In doing so, Dubois seems to favor cultural as opposed to geopolitical or socio-economic factors as the dominant elements of the contact era. Besides their sources, however, scholars shared little else, as they further diverged in the object of their study and in the perspective they adopted.
For most, the thoughts and actions of the missionaries remained at the center of their concern. In a way, the task of these scholars was made easier by the relative abundance of written sources and by the legacy of studies of European society rooted in several centuries of self-examination.
For others, what really mattered were the thoughts and actions of the missionized, or, to be precise, how indigenous societies changed—or did not change—when they met with the missionaries, who were part and parcel of the European colonization process. In fact, indigenous sources are scarce; had mostly been filtered through European eyes; and are often polluted by an attitude on the part of the modern indigenous people that downplays or even excludes change in their past—unless in a negative sense.
Let us start with interest in the missionaries, a good number of whom, one should recall, belonged to the Society of Jesus and were active in Acadia, Canada, and the West. We can detect two major historiographical trends here, which are not necessarily interconnected.
One is a new interest in the Canadian martyrs as objects not of martyrdom, but of hagiographic narratives. Most literary critics continued to be interested in how the Jesuit texts were constructed and how they must be deciphered, independently of the veracity of the facts they contained. In different ways, the Canadians Laurier Turgeon and Emma Anderson tried to bridge the gap between the hagiographic and the ethnographic values of the Jesuit relations.
Turgeon, a historian and ethnologist, believes that the original hagiographic intent of the relations does not preclude their ethnographic value, which significantly adds to our knowledge and understanding of indigenous societies. For her part, in a chapter that in will be expanded into a full-size book, E.
Anderson, an intellectual historian, re-examines the martyrdom account compiled by the Quebec City superior, Paul Ragueneau — In the end, E. Among scholars mainly interested in the thoughts and actions of the missionaries, the second major trend concerns the role and significance of the Jesuits of New France within the global activity of the Society of Jesus.
Strongly influenced by the French historians Jean Delumeau — and Bernard Dompnier, Deslandres developed her main points in her PhD dissertation that in the s and s she amplified but did not substantially change in a series of articles, a short synthesis, and a major book. Whether the Canadian missions were essentially derivative from a French model, or were an original response to a unique environment, remained a matter of contention.
Friant does not mention either Deslandres or Gagnon. The site of Fort Saint Joseph had been intermittently served by Jesuit missionaries since the times of Claude Allouez — They made their relations the object of textual analysis within the overall corpus of the written production of the Society of Jesus since its very beginning in the sixteenth century.
These contributions did not focus on the veracity of the described facts but were only interested in the implicit motivations and the literary mechanisms that were behind the construction of these texts. Thanks to his own background, Canadian classicist Haijo Jan Westra was able to detect and explain the classical references as they appear in their relations.
For their part, the Canadians Ouellet and Marie-Christine Pioffet continued to examine the Jesuit relations within the corpus of French colonial literature and the genre of travel writing, and so does the American literary critic Sara E. Melzer in a major interpretation of the origins of French cultural identity. In her view, church and crown fundamentally agreed on the necessity to integrate the indigenous peoples into French culture through intermarriage and other means.
Other contributions fell more traditionally in the domain of good intellectual history Axtell, Edward G. As opposed to the previous decade, these contributions were mostly authored not by literary critics, but by intellectual historians and anthropologists. Let us now move from the missionaries to the missionized, that is, to the scholarly production of those who were interested in the thoughts and actions of the missionized. By and large, this fails to impress on account of its lack of methodological innovation.
For his part, French historian Gilles Havard had started off in with a most original examination of the Great Peace of Montreal , a model of ethnohistorical analysis. Accommodation is also at the core of two shorter but somehow innovative contributions. Canadian archaeologist Marcel Moussette is rather rigid in his application of the capitalist world-system economy model to the Canadian encounter.
In turn, the American Jesuit historian William A. There was one topic, however, where the two schools might have met—language. The spoken word was, second only to microbic exchange, the immediate instrument of contact between Europeans and indigenous peoples. However, surely on account of the technical abilities it required, ethnolinguistics had barely made a dent in contact historiography.
Their experience constantly reminded them of St. In New France, where the oratorical art was so praised and oral communication was the norm, language was the occasion of unavoidable misunderstanding, ridicule, offense, unfulfilled expectations, and deliberate duplicities. Hanzeli examined the proficiency of the Jesuit missionaries and showed that their acquired competency was obtained through agonizing practice in the field—and in spite of their formal grammatical training at home.
Furthermore, Hanzeli pioneered a new way of looking at the linguistic outcome of the New France encounter through texts written not only in French, but also in Latin and in indigenous languages. In first decade of the twentieth-first century, two new developments in the field of linguistics—if not ethnolinguistics proper—were brought to the fore.
One consisted in a new appraisal of a non-narrative textual corpus , mostly in Latin or in an indigenous language, that had been accumulated through day-to-day missionary contact. According to a most perceptive article focusing on the Montagnais language, the Canadian historian John E.
The second development consisted in a new awareness of the fact that all indigenous languages, as well as Latin, must be taken into account. For his part, Canadian cultural historian Micah True situates the way the early Jesuits portrayed themselves as humble pupils in front of their indigenous teachers in the framework of a power struggle against their rivals, the Recollets—a rivalry, incidentally, never hinted at anywhere in the relations.
Finally, the American historian Tracy Neal Leavelle left the well-trodden path of the early Canadian Jesuits to move to that shared region, located at the center of early North America, that in the early eighteenth century was known as the Pays-des-Illinois Illinois Country, or Upper Louisiana. The Christian Illinois prayed, recited articles of catechism, sang hymns, and confessed their sin in Latin or in their own language.
In fact, the second decade of the twenty-first century shows a new sense of accomplishment that called for overall assessments and seemed to prelude to a new era of studies, with new sources, new questions, and, perhaps, new answers. Both are to be praised for their clarity and originality. It is now the best starting point for any further research either on the eight martyrs or on their subsequent assumption to their symbolic role. The personal relationship between the Canadian and the French Jesuit historians, not always a smooth one, is also investigated, together with their enthusiastic search and exploitation of new documentary evidence.
The s also wrapped up a century or so of discussion over the Jesuit relations. Not all assessments, however, were equally satisfactory. Undoubtedly, the most refined one is Canadian historian Catherine M. Desbarats also interprets the relations very much in their national context, pointing to the absence of Rome and the pope from their pages.
She also emphasizes the strong opposition faced by the Society of Jesus in France. In comparison, the summary of the American Jesuit historians, Thomas M. However, correcting them would ease the task of literary critics, for whom words are of crucial importance. In , Greer closed his two-decade long list of publications relating to Jesuit writings with a short piece on conversion and indigenous Christianity.
Deslandres reiterates her points about the similarity of the Jesuit missions in France and in New France. In this contribution, she highlights the importance of the so-called intermarriage, which she interprets as a policy meant to integrate the indigenous people both as Catholic faithful and as French nationals. Substance Use and Misuse ; 57 4 : Lancet Public Health ; 7 3 : ee Politiques des drogues ; Disparities in accessibility to oncology care centers in France.
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BMJ Global Health ; 6 6 : e No barrier to care, yet disparities in the HIV care continuum in France: a nationwide population study. Journal of Antimicrobial Chemotherapy ; 76 6 : BMC Musculoskeletal Disorders ; 22 1 : Liver International ; 41 7 : - Homicides and suicides by firearm in Marseille: An 8-year review. Legal Medicine ; 52 : Clinical Infectious Diseases ; 72 9 : ee Vaccines ; 9 5 : AIDS and Behavior ; 25 : — Free access to antiretroviral treatment and protection against the risk of catastrophic health expenditure in people living with HIV: evidence from Cameroon.
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Scientific Reports ; 11 1. Cancers ; 13 6 : Heterogeneous contributions of change in population distribution of body mass index to change in obesity and underweight. Cancers ; 13 5 : Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers and Prevention ; 30 3 : Is the use of the QPC cognitive complaints questionnaire relevant for the screening strategy of HIV-Associated neurocognitive disorders?
AIDS Care ; 33 3 : Journal of Fungi ; 7 3 : Archives of cardiovascular diseases ; 3 : European Journal of Cancer ; : 11 - Progression of adenomyosis magnetic resonance imaging features under ulipristal acetate for symptomatic fibroids. Reproductive BioMedicine Online ; 42 3 : A two-component intervention to improve hand hygiene practices and promote alcohol-based hand rub use among people who inject drugs: a mixed-methods evaluation.
Clinical Infectious Diseases ; 73 : - Individual and structural correlates of willingness for intravenous buprenorphine treatment among people who inject sublingual buprenorphine in France. Harm Reduction Journal ; 18 1 : Microelimination or Not? Clinical Infectious Diseases ; ciaa Cannabis Cannabinoid Research Exercer ; : European Journal of Clinical Pharmacology ; 77 3 : Cannabinoid hyperemesis syndrome in two French emergency departments: a prospective cohort.
Fundamental and Clinical Pharmacology ; 35 1 : PharmacoEconomics ; 39 3 : Homonegativity, sexual violence and condom use with women in men who have sex with men and women in West Africa CohMSM. AIDS ; 35 4 : Diagnosis and management of male urinary tract infections: a need for new guidelines.
Study from a French general practice electronic database. Family Practice ; 38 4 : Key role of pediatricians and disease for influenza vaccination in children with high-risk chronic diseases. European Journal of Pediatrics ; 1 : Implementation and evaluation of an educational intervention for safer injection in people who inject drugs in Europe: a multi-country mixed-methods study.
International Journal of Drug Policy ; 87 : Seminars in Liver Disease ; 41 2 : Impact of HIV risk perception on both pre-exposure prophylaxis and condom use. Journal of Health Psychology ; 26 10 : Impact of active surveillance for prostate cancer on the risk of depression and anxiety: Patient-reported outcomes PROs from the Vican Prospective Cohort.
Colorectal cancer screening practices among cancer survivors five years after diagnosis. Journal of Public Health ; 29 : Schultz Emilien. Simon Nicolas, Alvarez Jean Claude. European Journal of Clinical Pharmacology ; 77 5 : On models for the estimation of the excess mortality hazard in case of insufficiently stratified life tables.
Biostatistics ; 22 1 : An agent-based model to simulate the transmission of vancomycin-resistant enterococci according different prevention and control measures. Infection Control and Hospital Epidemiology ; 42 7 : American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene ; 1 : Laryngoscope ; 4 : Fundamental and Clinical Pharmacology ; 35 4 : Factors associated with under-reporting of head and neck squamous cell carcinoma in cause-of-death records: A comparative study of two national databases in France from to Individual and healthcare supply-related barriers to treatment initiation in HIV-positive patients enrolled in the Cameroonian antiretroviral treatment access programme.
Health Policy and Planning ; 36 2 : Real-world efficacy and safety of pembrolizumab in patients with non-small cell lung cancer: a retrospective observational study. Tumori ; 1 : On-ticagrelor platelet reactivity and clinical outcome in patients undergoing percutaneous coronary intervention for acute coronary syndrome. Thrombosis and Haemostasis ; 7 : Clinical Toxicology ; 59 3 : Factors associated with the spatial heterogeneity of the first wave of COVID in France: a nationwide geo-epidemiological study.
The Lancet Public Health Otology and Neurotology ; 42 7 : Emerging Infectious Diseases ; 27 1 : - Scientific Reports ; 11 : Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers and Prevention ; cebp. Cholera in Haiti. The Lancet global health ; 8 12 : e Use of non-conventional medicine and lifestyle change among cancer survivors: evidence from the national VICAN survey. Journal of Cancer Survivorship ; 14 6 : Access to inpatient palliative care among cancer patients in France: an analysis based on the national cancer cohort.
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Brain, Behavior, and Immunity ; 90 : - Cancers ; 12 11 :
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